Jeremy Lefroy MP covers up his Top Totty

Posted on February 02, 2012

Another day, another sign that Britain’s politicians have too much time on their hands. “Tottygate” is the latest so-called scandal to sweep the House of Commons – Kate Green MP has unfurled the PC banner to protest against the stocking of “Top Totty” Ale in the Strangers’ Bar. The branding of the beer, which at minimum we can agree is not the finest example of alcohol advertising in human history, has led to allegations of it being offensive and sexist.

As a result, the offending ale has been banned from the Parliamentary Estate and removed from sale.

But how did it end up there in the first place?

Step forward Jeremy Lefroy, MP for Stafford, whose constituency includes the Slater’s Ales brewery which produces Top Totty (and which must presumably be loving the massive publicity Ms Green has delivered for them).

Yesterday, Mr Lefroy’s website proudly announced:

The Strangers bar will serve the 4.0% proof real ale which Slater’s describe as “blonde, full bodied with a voluptuous hop aroma.”

Mr Lefroy nominated the beer for a guest ale slot following a recent visit to the brewery, he said:

“This is a great opportunity to showcase a fantastic and award winning beer. Slater’s Brewery produces many popular beers which have been brewed locally for more than 15 years and it is great to be able to share some of Staffordshire’s finest produce with colleagues in Parliament.”

I say that his website said that yesterday, because now the release is miraculously nowhere to be seen, apparently deleted from the News section some time in the last 24 hours. It appears Mr Lefroy saw the PC armies of Ms Green on the march and quickly deleted the evidence. Except, that is, that it’s still linked to on his Twitter profile and – rather more embarassingly – in the text for his official website as the first result when you Google his name:

As they say, it’s the cover up that gets you. Does Mr Lefroy think it’s “great to be able to share some of Staffordshire’s finest produce with colleagues in Parliament”, or is he ashamed of what his constituents produce?

**UPDATE**

It seems Mr Lefroy has put the release back up on his website, along with an apology – it’s a shame to see him buckle to Kate Green’s politically correct moaning.

“Filthy rich” Mandelson pulls up the ladder on aspiration

Posted on January 26, 2012

Famously, Peter Mandelson once said he was “intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich as long as they pay their taxes” – the phrase summed up the embracing of aspiration which proved to be one of New Labour’s key steps to electoral success.

So it’s interesting that he has now apparently abandoned his state of intense relaxation and is instead jumping on the bandwagon of being twitchy about income inequality and critical of the aspiration which he once embraced.

It’s convenient for him that this change of heart has come about in 2012 – long after he himself became “filthy rich”.

No-one knows quite how much he earns, though high six figures or even seven figures a year are often touted. We do know that his latest house is worth £8 million – more than enough to count as filthy, one would have thought.

His spin today is that this is because economic and political circumstances have changed. But isn’t it really just the same old story, that he’s the kind of person who embraces aspiration when he himself is aspirant, but promptly does his damnedest to pull up the ladder once he’s at the top of the pile?

The master strategist was part of the group around Tony Blair who recognised that being tough on crime, welcoming towards aspiration and positive about enterprise is the foundation of electoral success in Britain. If even he is abandoning that thinking – largely because he is now rich enough to afford to – then the Opposition are in real trouble.

Gay marriage? Straight marriage? Just de-regulate marriage

Posted on January 18, 2012

The gay marriage debate is back.

The Coalition plans to lift the ban, changing the law to allow same-sex marriage. The Independent reports that David Burrowes MP is (somewhat implausibly) claiming there will be a triple-figure rebellion of Tory backbenchers to defeat the plans.

The Evangelical Alliance  claim the proposals signal “the end of conservatism” (despite Evangelical Christianity being a new radicalism, rather than a conservative movement). Ben Summerskill of Stonewall has accused backbench Tories of “old-fashioned homophobia” (on the evidence of only one MP’s comments).

On one side, supposedly the very concept of the family is threatened if the Government changes its regulations. On the other side, unless the Government extends its regulations then a whole tranche of the population are given second class status under the law.

The mud flies, the rhetorical stakes are raised again and again. Questions fly, and few useful answers are delivered.

But what is the libertarian response? The answer must surely be that the State should not regulate marriage at all.

Two people agree to make a private contract between each other.  They make it for love, or for family logistics, or for religious belief. They make their vows before God, or before their friends and family or simply before each other. That is down to them.

Marriage is an unusual kind of contract, but it is one nonetheless – each party makes pledges, receiving promises and takes on responsibilities in return.

Where is the Government’s place at the wedding breakfast table? Why should the grey-suited regulator get a save-the-date and a dainty invite?

The best way to banish the acrimony and the legislative to and fro over same sex marriage is to abolish the regulation of all marriage entirely. It is the vowing to each other, the exchanging of rings and the sealing kiss, not the signing of the State’s register, that is the focal point of a couple’s day.

The undeclared vested interests of leading pro-EU Peers

Posted on December 16, 2011

We’ve heard a lot from pro-EU members of the House of Lords in the last week. Here are a few examples:

 

Lord Brittan: “In order to retain the goodwill which will continue to be needed in future, would my noble friend agree that it will be necessary-if not today, certainly soon-to make it clear that we are not going to try to stop the 26 going ahead by denying them the use of European Union institutions?”

Lord Mandelson: “My Lords, people will differ in their view about whether the Government’s negotiating position last week was tenable or realistic. Will the Government reflect on the utterly shambolic way in which they prepared their position and sought support for their proposals at the summit last week?”

Lord Clinton-Davis: “The Government have not been courageous but desperately cowardly and, most of all, barren of influence. Is that not the case?”

They seem happy to share their enthusiasm for giving up powers to the EU with us. But there’s something else they aren’t so happy about sharing – as ex-Commissioners each of them has to support EU integration or risk losing their generous, taxpayer-funded EU pension. Moreover, they don’t declare this financial interest when they speak in EU debates.

It sounds fanciful, but it’s true. The terms of employment for Commissioners are clear – the obligations of the role include the stipulation that a Commissioner

“shall carry out the duties assigned to him objectively, impartially and in keeping with the duty of loyalty to the [European] Communities

Importantly, these obligations must be followed

“both during and after their term of office”

The consequences of failing to express loyalty for the rest of their days are also clear, in black and white:

“In the event of any breach of these obligations, the Court of Justice may, on application by the Council or the Commission, rule that the Member concerned be, according to the circumstances, either compulsorily retired in accordance with Article 216 or deprived of his right to a pension or other benefits in its stead.”

That’s a clear conflict of interest. Any Peer or MP must declare their interest if they receive a pension from a company affected by a debate before they speak in it – and most companies don’t require undying loyalty even after retirement.

Bizarrely, though, these EU pensions – which are explicitly conditional on ongoing political support – are not currently declared by the Europhile former Commissioners during EU debates, and the House of Lords’ authorities are apparently happy for that secrecy to continue. Just as bad, the pensions are not declared in the online Register of Lords’ Interests.

How can it be right that a portion of our legislature are campaigning for an organisation which they have a financial vested interest in, and yet are not required to declare it?

A time for Eurosceptics to become the positive voice

Posted on December 12, 2011

The reaction of pro-EU voices to David Cameron’s refusal to support fiscal union has been very revealing.

It has been revealing in that it has demonstrated clearly that the tiny pro-EU rump left in this country are actually happy with the idea that unelected EU officials should be able to overrule democratically elected Governments to dictate how member states’ financial affairs are run.

It has been very revealing that the EU establishment clearly never intended for vetoes to be used, and in fact is happy to circumvent them – ie that they have been a smokescreen all along.

It has also revealed what many of us have been saying in and around Westminster for some time – voters are sick of seeing British leaders roll over to have their tummy tickled at the EU negotiating table. Voters overwhelmingly agree with David Cameron on this one, and he’ll gain from that. Paddy Ashdown, by contrast, must be counting himself lucky that he’s no longer accountable to the electorate, so he can safely run round town shouting the EU’s message.

Most revealing of all, in my view, is the stark demonstration that the pro-EU side of British politics deeply and fundamentally lack faith in the abilities and potential of modern Britain. Without the protective wing of Mother Brussels and her trade barriers to shelter us, we are surely lost, they claim. Not for a second do they mull the idea that Britain has the capability to stand on its own two feet.

When they talk of retaining British “influence”, they mean that we can only retain influence in a reputational sense by sacrificing it in a practical sense. They mean that only by giving up our actual control over how we run our economy, our criminal justice system, our food production, our trading relationships and much more can we retain the cosy feeling of attending EU leaders’ banquets.

This is an insidious and depressing philosophy – talking Britain down, and automatically assuming that British scientists, entrepreneurs, business people and ordinary workers can never make their own way in the world. To use a 1970s term, they want a return to managing the nation’s decline.

For far too long the EU’s cheerleaders have been able to portray themselves as being on the sunny side of the street. They loved to make out that they were the friendly, positive optimists who saw sunny uplands in Britain’s future.

Contrast that to their message today:

“Suez seems mild in comparison. What sort of nation is it that rejoices in its own defeat?” – Labourlist

“At a time of economic crisis, we have made it more attractive for investors to go to northern Europe.” – Paddy Ashdown

“A Britain which leaves the EU would be considered irrelevant by Washington and will be considered a pygmy in the world.” – Nick Clegg

“In a world in which the influences of the old powers is diminishing by the day, Britain’s prime minister has attacked his closest partners and left our country weaker and more isolated” – Chris Davies MEP

There are plenty more bits of negativity where those came from, too. The peculiar and rare strain of politics that is Euro-enthusiasm is now essentially united around the core belief that Britain is a basket case. That’s not an idea which will set the electorate on fire with enthusiasm.

It is time to seize properly on this issue, and for eurosceptics to become the voice of positivity.

Where those who believe in integration see only weakness, we see great potential in Britain. Where they want protectionism, even at the cost of our economic health and starving bellies in the Third World, we want free trade and new enterprise. Where they look to secure a bed in the Little European retirement home, slowly dwindling away with the rest of the EU’s outdated economies, we want to reach out to trade with the whole world – India, China, Brazil and others.

When you talk to voters about the great issues of the day, they want to know what the future will look like for their children. Would they rather hear someone say “we think they’re done for, so we’ll give up their democratic rights in order to buy a seat in a declining economic bloc”, or “we’ll have faith in them to innovate and trade with the whole world”? The Lib Dems’ reluctance to collapse the Coalition and face an election rather answers that.

Reasons for a referendum

Posted on December 05, 2011

One thing was always clear about the Government’s EU “referendum lock” – the EU’s defenders were always going to claim it didn’t actually justify a referendum. Whether they did it outright in the wording, or later in a tortured limbo around what that wording meant, is irrelevant.

So it has come to pass now that the first proposed treaty changes since the lock was passed into law have hoved into view. Nick Clegg has rushed straight out, his face painted blue with a delightful ring of yellow stars scattered across his cheeks, chin and forehead, to announce that proposals for fiscal union among the Eurozone countries are not eligible for a referendum as they don’t constitute a transfer of sovereignty from Britain to Brussels.

Underlying this is the argument being pushed by the Conservative leadership that, as Tim Montgomerie reported it, an EU referendum would “plunge Britain’s economy into chaos”.

But it is this latter argument which undermines the former.

As we can now see from the crisis hanging over us – a crisis that has emerged as a direct result of the Euro’s disastrous creation and the ongoing, eternal grind of ever closer union – losing sovereignty is not just about Brussels being able to directly overrule Britain. It is also about whether we are losing the ability to build a successful, sustainable economy on our own terms.

EU integration has made Britain more economically vulnerable to crises on the Continent, a problem which is compounded by the fact that it has also made such crises far more likely. At the same time as our exposure to EU risk has increased, the Single Market’s aggressive protectionism has forbidden us from diversifying by trading freely and fully with other economies around the world – particularly with the BRICs.

In effect, they have tied a weight to our feet, dragging us down into the ocean depths, and bound our hands, stopping us trying to swim upwards.

The decision by a core group of EU countries to integrate through a single currency has diluted our sovereignty by reducing the effectiveness of the measures the British Government might take to boost our economy. As we are currently seeing, you don’t have to be in the Euro to be screwed by its failure.

Can they seriously claim that fiscal union in the Eurozone – a step which is likely to bring down even worse disaster on all our heads – won’t have a similar effect?

We are tied to the Eurozone through our EU membership – as a result, their fate does affect our fate. That’s why we have a veto on these proposals for fiscal union. And that’s why the British people should get a referendum on whether that veto is used.

 

The poison of taxpayer-funding for political parties

Posted on November 23, 2011

Just as politicians’ attempts to get hold of more power will likely never cease, the same is almost certainly true of the attempts of political parties to get their hands on taxpayers’ money.

This week we’ve seen yet another push to give taxpayer funding to political parties – under a system once championed by Chris Huhne where parties with sitting MPs would get a set amount of cash for every vote they win. Let’s call it the “cash for votes” system, a negative name for a negative idea.

This time round, the main parties have publicly distanced themselves from the plan – a welcome sign that at the moment the political class are afraid of public opinion on the cost of politicians to the taxpayer. But we can’t rely on that always being the state of play. Privately, all three parties would love to have a guaranteed income from taxpayers without having to do all that tiresome fundraising – they just can’t get away with saying so in the current climate. We need to be constantly watchful to ensure they never succeed in this private desire.

So let’s look at exactly why taxpayer-funded political parties are such a bad idea.

First off, there’s the ethics of the matter. It’s deceitful to equate a vote for a party with a desire to donate to it. If a vote indicated a happiness to donate, then people would donate. The fact is that they don’t – often because they don’t have money to spare, but also because they may be voting begrudgingly or even tactically. The supposed link underlying the cash-for-votes system simply doesn’t exist.

Why should anyone be forced to fund a political party if they don’t want to – and even one they would never consider supporting? After all, if voter A who is a net beneficiary of the state votes for party A, then their “donation” is subsidised by voter B, a net contributor to the Treasury, who might well be a supporter of their deadly enemies party B.

Just as important are the practical effects on our democracy.

The reason this system is regularly put forward is that the parties struggle to raise money. We should look at why that is the case, rather than simply crudely address the symptom. In truth, our politicians fail to really inspire people – voting, party membership and donation have dropped off, as what used to be called apathy has grown into outright anger and disillusionment.

From the point of view of many, our political class are too self-interested, too out of touch and too close to each other ideologically. Unsurprisingly, that failure on their part has put people off donating to fund them, just as a company giving dreadful service and neglecting its customers will lose business and see turnover and profits decline. Rewarding that failure would be to allow them to escape accountability for their actions and – worse – guaranteed taxpayer-funding would serve to reinforce this disconnect from the public by removing the pressure to inspire people.

At the same time as it would protect the main parties from the consequences of their failure, taxpayer-funding of those parties with MPs would also serve to fossilise British politics in its current, unpopular form. The current big parties would be in a bolstered, protected position, with even more of a headstart than they currently have over insurgents and upstarts. Proponents of taxpayer-funding are effectively saying that the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties have some form of divine right to exist indefinitely.

In reality, what would be wrong with one or all of them being put out of business  if a new, more active and more popular party emerged on their patch of politics? It can happen – the emergence of Labour in the late 19th Century, the strange near-death of the Liberal Party in the inter-war period, the emergence of the SDP in the 1980s, the growth of the SNP and Plaid Cymru and so on.

We should have a system that allows that to happen – both because it’s right that such change should be able to occur and because the possibility of it will keep the current parties on their toes. If anything, we need to make our system of politics more open to new competitors, not less. Bunging taxpayers’ cash to reinforce the status quo would make things even worse than they already are.

CrashBangWallace at Conservative Party Conference

Posted on September 30, 2011

If you’re going to Conservative Party Conference in Manchester (and you haven’t had enough of my opinions through this site), I’ll be speaking at two fringe meetings:

“Should social media be controlled by the state?”
Sunday 2nd October, 10.35am:
I’ll be chairing this panel discussion with Robert Halfon MP, Christian May of Media Intelligence Partners and Sam Bowman of the Adam Smith Institute. In the aftermath of the riots, it was suggested that Government should be able to control and even close down social networks like Twitter – what are the threats to free speech, how does this threat impact on the explosion of online freedom, and could it even be done?

“The case for Fair Fuel”
Sunday 2nd October, 1pm:
I will be speaking alongside Robert Halfon MP about his campaign to bring down fuel prices for motorists in the UK – one for petrolheads, tax cutters and anyone interested in revitalising the British economy and helping ordinary motorists go about their business.

Both of these events are being held in the excellent Freedom Zone, run by The Freedom Association, in Bridgewater Hall (click for a map). The Zone is the home of free speech at Conference and increasingly recognised as the venue for the real fringe where ideas, principles and policies are debated and fought over. It’s well worth a visit and is outside the secure zone, just round the corner from the main Conference venue, so you don’t need a conference pass to get in. Conference delegates, the media and anyone else in the Manchester area who is interested in freedom are all welcome. Click here for the full timetable of Freedom Zone events.

I’ll be round and about at various other events – if you fancy a pint at any point, it’s probably best to tweet at me at @wallaceME

I’ll also be on the lookout for good stories, gossip and exclusives from the conference bearpit so watch this space for the latest news – and if you hear of anything good, let me know!

Clegg’s Clause Four – abandon the Euro

Posted on September 20, 2011

In a desperate defence of his party’s continuing and increasingly absurd support for Britain joining the Euro, this morning Nick Clegg told the Today Programme that:

“I don’t think any of us could have predicted…that the rules on which the Euro was created should have been so spectacularly flouted”

His claim was that the concept of the Euro has always been and still is a good idea both in principle and in practice. The Lib Dems’ latest line of defence on the Euro is that it has never been implemented properly – that the failure of some countries to abide by the Stability and Growth Pact which regulates Member States’ budgets had undermined what was actually a really good idea.

This is getting increasingly ridiculous.

The inherent and fundamental flaw of the Euro is that it sought to bind together utterly disparate economies without any democratic or market accountability. It takes the bloated civil service of Greece, the housing market of Spain, the manufacturers of Germany and tries to force them all into the same straghtjacket. It tries to buck the market, the laws of economics and public opinion all in one go. It was always going to fail and wreak economic havoc, and the Commission’s attempt to pretend that wasn’t so was the introduction of the Convergence Criteria in the Maastricht Treaty, which later became the Stability and Growth Pact.

As many people pointed out at the time, and as history has shown us since, it was a fantasy to imagine that the Southern European countries in particular would be able or willing to keep their deficits below 3% and their Government Debt to GDP ratio below 60%. As a politically-motivated project, it was always likely that the Commission would fail to enforce these rules in order to keep the Eurodream of “ever closer union” on track no matter how great the risks. (You can see the woeful track record of adherence to the Pact here)

To say it was never predicted that this would happen is simply untrue – it has always been a mainstay of the Eurosceptic case that many EU states flout regulations and rules while others like Britain try to abide by them at great cost. It has also always been part of our critique that the Commission will bend and break as many rules as it feels necessary to keep forging ahead blindly with their obsession for EU integration.

Nick Clegg is experienced enough to know that when you have sunk to defending an ideology by claiming that “it’s never been implemented properly” – an argument normally used by student Trots defending communism from the claim that it has always resulted in tyranny and slaughter – then reality has disproved your idea and the day is lost. In fact, I think you can hear a slightly depressed realisation of this in his voice a couple of times in the Today Programme interview.

Euro-enthusiasm is a totem for the Lib Dems. It’s been one of the few things that has kept Liberals and SDPers bound together despite their many private disagreements on other topics. But given the judgement of history on the Euro, and the clear judgement of the opinion polls on the EU as a whole, isn’t it time they abandoned it?

Now that would be a proper Clause 4 moment – facing up to reality, ditching what has become an albatross around their necks, moving closer to overwhelming public opinion and finally being able to move on from an issue that, as Nick Clegg found out this morning, will otherwise keep rearing its head to bite them.

Direct democracy is on the way – and Brussels should shake in its boots

Posted on July 29, 2011

The Government has taken the first step towards implementing the Direct Democracy agenda by launching the new e-petitions site, which is a vast improvement on the old Number 10 petition portal. It’s still a relatively small step – 100,000 signatures gets your petition considered for a Parliamentary debate – but it’s the thin end of a positive wedge.

Would the Commons authorities really dare to turn down a petition and tell 100,000 actively engaged voters that their concern doesn’t count? If they do it once it would generate so much anger and bad publicity that I doubt they’d repeat it in a hurry.

Similarly, now that this principle is established I suspect the road to initiatives for referenda will become a lot smoother, and in an few years we may well see the right to get a referendum in return for 1 million signature or something similar. (To say nothing of the right to recall and sack MPs between elections, which would prove extremely popular).

What are the practical implications of this? In essence, direct democracy will break the barriers between the political class and the public, and smash the Westminster system by which some issues are a matter for a “consensus” which is at total odds with the voters. Politicians will have to start agreeing with the people, or face being replaced by others who are more in touch with real concerns in the real world.

These petitions will undoubtedly cover a myriad of issues but the main victim of this will be the EU. Of course we can expect a petition for a debate on leaving the EU – the polls show how popular that is becoming and the clout of the Express should make it quite easy to secure the necessary signature. More effective, though, will be the large petitions on issues in which the EU has a hand.

Votes for prisoners? The Greek bailout? The death penalty for kid killers (which is being championed by Guido)? Bin taxes? Green taxes that freeze grannies to death? Post office closures? The right to deport Philip Lawrence’s killer? On all these and more the opinion of the public is clear, and a petition on the topic would rock not just Westminster’s system of cosy taboos but also the EU, the authority which dictates that Britain must obey such bad and unpopular policies. The fundamental truth that the people never asked for the European Union would be undeniably clear on headline issue after headline issue.

The revolutionaries are at the gate – and the first, small gap has just been opened to let us in.